Pamudah Singh Katongole’s entry into politics has been dramatic. He has fought his way through, been beaten along the way and dragged to court for alleged cheating. He is guarded at times with armed personnel since Moses Kasibante’s victory was overturned on February 27.
He may not have bargained for this when he launched his campaign. He speaks fluent Luganda, the local dialect, and has adopted a Kiganda name to fit in the society.
“If Obama was accepted by Americans, then it is high time Ugandans embraced foreigners,” he said.
Singh was unwilling to accept defeat gracefully. He assaulted his campaign managers, influenced a voter recount that threw out Kasibante, causing outrage.
“If he thinks he won our hearts, let him come for celebrations” said Hamid Kyeswa a resident with a menacing tone.
Apparently, the Singh phenomenon has been one of the most dramatic experience since 1972 when Idi Amin, the then president expelled 80,000 Indians from Uganda.
Museveni allowed Indians back in 1987 as part of IMF inspired reforms. They recaptured businesses lost under Amin, and had forsaken living in exclusive settlements.
According to the Uganda Asian Association the 17,000 Indians in the country control 80% of Ugandan economy, with holdings in banking, industry and real estate.
“Ugandan Asians have always wanted to become part of the community, intergrating, and getting on with the business of getting on,” Shailesh Vera, an Asian Conservative MP in United Kingdom, but whose parents moved from Uganda, told the BBC on January 25 2011.
However, Singh has caused ripples ever since NRM appointed him as its deputy treasurer last September. They also picked him to be their flag bearer for a legislative seat that led to noisy disagreements.
“We produced documentary evidence to prove he forged academic papers, but none listened to us” said Dr Henry Lwanga of Mulago hospital, Uganda’s largest, and was himself one of the contenders.
Singh is also at the centre of a fallout between Museveni and the Buganda, the most dominant ethnic community, over broken promises. Museveni is adamant in handing over 9,000 square miles to the kingdom as required by the constitution. Bugandans felt let down when President Yoweri Museveni leased part to some Indian nationals without consultation.
Firms like TATA and RJ Corporation, received 50 acres each, in a plan that wooed 500 Indian nationals to come and engage in commercial agriculture.
Thus Singh’s victory is at the expense of SUUBI, a political platform for Buganda kingdom, which President Museveni is fighting with ruthless determination.
SUUBI rode on Buganda grievances to win 13 legislative seats and two district political leaderships.
To stir the pot further, Kasibante, who is a SUUBI member, believes Museveni’s restoration of the kingdom was a subtle move to kill it softly, using Indians to do his “dirty work”.
He recalled that the president sold Diary Corporation to Indians on condition they retain Milk purchase, but those that bought Coffee processing plants were given leeway to switch to apparel.
“He protected interests of his community who depended on milk, but undermined Buganda’s that depended on Coffee” Kasibante told Simba FM.
Nevertheless, land give away as part of political patronage has led to tragic incidents in the past involving Indians. In 2007, demonstrations against forest give away led to the death of two Indians. Museveni had reportedly given Mehta, an Indian industrialist, Mabira forest in exchange for financial support in his presidential race.
Since then some influential Indians have distanced themselves from the government, but moving closer to the Bugandan community. Muhammed Thoban, an Industrialist was appointed Finance Minister of Buganda kingdom.
Others like Sudhir Ruperalia have financed both the opposition and the ruling party, at a time when critical voices from the Indian community over Museveni’s politics are getting louder.
“A country must have acceptable political structure, where having freedom at the top allow people to flourish to the best of their abilities” says Vera.
Madhivani complained about erratic shifts in economic policies that jeopardized his $86m expansion programme when government awarded a license to his rival to establish a sugar estate nearby.
“It contravened an agreement with Kakira that required no sugar firm within a 30km radius,” wrote Mayur, reminding Museveni that “government strictly adheres to the sugar policy as sudden shifts in goal posts results in losses and disruption.”