Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jnr., Ph.D.

Addressing a group of students and Islamic scholars at the Islamic University College in Accra, Dr. Ahmadinejad was reported to have asserted that rather than being apocalyptically engaged in a struggle against the West, Tehran had actually taken an immutable or uncompromising stance against “oppressors of the world.”

There are a few observations that I would like to make here, vis-a-vis both the “golden” visit and the pronouncements of President Ahmadinejad, as widely reported by the Ghanaian media. For starters, while Ghanaian Muslims have a right to the establishment and attendance of a tertiary institution that primarily and exclusively caters to their especial religious and doctrinal needs, nevertheless, I would rather have the establishment of such an institution, or even institutions, undertaken by Ghanaian Muslims themselves, with remarkable material assistance from the Government of Ghana, rather than its/their being supported by a totalitarian pseudo-religious regime such as presently exists in Iran.

It also clearly appears to me that the Iranian leader visited Ghana, Benin and Niger to primarily inspect propaganda projects and ideological beachheads tactically established by the revolutionary regime of the bloody Ayatollahs. Otherwise, the prime podium for addressing Ghanaian students and scholars ought to have been the country’s flagship academy, the University of Ghana. In brief, I personally find Dr. Ahmadinejad’s hosting at the Islamic University College in Accra to be immitigably offensive and an unpardonable affront to the intelligence of the Ghanaian citizenry at large.

I find it to be deeply offensive because it is also divisive, and I think the Mahama-led National Democratic Congress government owes Ghanaians an immediate and unreserved apology. Needless to say, while, indeed, Ghana is a sovereign nation with an inalinable right to determine the choice of its friends, as well as enemies, nonetheless, it goes without saying that national sovereignty does not operate in a vacuum; and the decisions that the leaders of economically vulnerable emergent democracies like Ghana make, in terms of political alliances, have repercussions and perennial and far-reaching consequences.

For instance, I don’t particularly care very much for the Israeli government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; nonetheless, I also don’t believe that it makes strategic sense – socioeconomically, politically and culturally – for Ghana to so brazenly thumb its nose at both the United States and Israel, and the rest of their Western allies who have had and continue to have far greater socioeconomic, political and cultural impact on Ghana and much of the developing world than Iran.

But even more importantly, as I had occasion to point out recently, any Ghanaian aged 50 years or more, and is politically enlightened knows fully well that the so-called Iranian revolution of the Ayatollahs of the late 1970s and ’80s was about anything but a “positive stance against oppressors of the world.” Indeed, the sort of violently stage-managed electoral process that returned Dr. Ahmadinejad to power a couple of years ago, with the hermetic support of the Ayatollahs, is definitely not one that Ghanaians ought to emulate, although it bears striking resemblance to the patent travesty that was Ghanan’s Election 2012. And, in retrospect, the latter may well have endeared the Iranian pseudo-theocracy to the democratically illegitimate Mahama regime.

Indeed, it is rather curious for a man who piggishly insists on the complete absence of homosexuality or non-heterosexual cultural practices in Iran to be grand-standing about oppressive Western regimes. Indeed, the wanton and vengeful bloodbath that epitomized the Iranian revolution was about anything but liberty and justice of the individual; and so it is not clear precisely what he means when President Ahmadinejad pontificates about his intransigent stance against “oppressors of the world.”

If the preceding is the kind of collaborative inter-governmental affinity that the Mahama-led government of the National Democratic Congress seeks to forge with Iran, then Ghanaians had better brace up for a very bleak future, one that possibly includes acts of terror and cross-border confrontation of apocalyptic proportions. This may well be what Prof. Keith Bluwey meant when he, reportedly, warned Ghana against the risk of “offending the sensibilities” of our Western partners (See “Ghana Warned Ahead of Ahmadinejad’s Visit” Ghanaweb.com 4/15/13).

Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D. Department of English Nassau Community College of SUNY Garden City, New York

E-mail: okoampaahoofe@optimum.net

The opinions expressed are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views or have the endorsement of the Editorial Board of www.africanewsanalysis.com, www.africa-forum.net and www.wapsfeatures.wordpress.com

Dr Luis Sambo, WHO Regional Director for Africa/Photo: WHO-Afro

For seven days, all Member States of WHO in the African Region – island states, landlocked countries and those in coastal regions – will be busy organizing a range of activities including high-level immunization campaigns and public education and information-sharing events in observance of the third edition of the African Vaccination Week.

The regional launching ceremony will be organized in Uganda, a country that is set to introduce the pneumococcal conjugate vaccine into its national routine immunization schedule to avert infant and child deaths due to pneumonia.

The theme of this year’s African Vaccination Week celebration is “Save lives. Prevent disabilities. Vaccinate.”

“We are delighted with the high and growing profile of the African Vaccination Week which is yet another opportunity for us to underscore the proven life-saving power of vaccines, and to encourage vaccination of children, adolescents and adults against deadly diseases”, says WHO Regional Director for Africa, Dr Luis Sambo.

“This burgeoning partnership between WHO, Governments, partners, and other stakeholders is helping countries to sustain political commitment to vaccination and lay a solid foundation for a participatory culture of prevention and health promotion in Member States”, Dr Sambo adds.

Like the two previous editions of the AVW, (in 2011 and 2012), the 2013 edition will also serve several purposes: it will raise awareness on the life-saving value of immunization; seek to increase vaccination coverage; reach underserved and marginalized communities (particularly those living in remote areas, deprived urban settings and strife-torn areas with existing and new available high impact child survival packages); reinforce the medium and long term benefits of immunization and other child survival interventions, and help transform the lives of millions of children, giving them a chance to grow up healthy, go to school, and improve their life prospects.

Other activities planned by countries include: delivery of life-saving interventions (e.g. introduction of new vaccines like pneumococcal or rotavirus vaccines), vitamin A supplementation, deworming medicines for intestinal worms, distribution of Long Lasting Insecticide Treated Nets, ‘catch up’ activities with routine vaccines in lower performing districts, polio and measles campaigns, and screening of children for missed opportunities and for moderate or severe malnutrition

Participating countries will also embark on mobilization and sensitization campaigns using traditional, modern and social media, engage religious leaders where relevant, organize sensitization workshops for media practitioners and health workers, among others; conduct community dialogues through panel discussions, recognize deserving health workers through award of certificates, and sensitize supervisors as well as undertake supportive supervisory visits to vaccination sites. These activities have a common, overarching goal: to showcase the power of vaccination in protecting public health.

With the institutionalization of AVW and the momentum it is now gaining, the achievements realized during the last two editions would seem to portend greater success for the future. For example, records available at WHO show that during the celebration of the Week in the last two years, access to vaccines improved especially in hard-to-reach communities with more than 150 million people vaccinated with oral polio vaccine in 13 countries.

It is worth noting here that Eritrea, which impresses the global health community with its recent successes in health development, tagged its 2012 campaign the “National Child Health, Nutrition and Vaccination Week” and listed as one of its objectives the vaccination of “at least 95 % of children 9 to 47 months against measles.” Obviously, adults, not just children, stand to benefit from immunization which has been described in glowing terms by public health experts as “one of the most successful and cost-effective health interventions”, preventing between two and three million deaths every year.

“Both infants and senior citizen stand to benefit from immunization”, Tanzania’s Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Dr Hussein Mwinyi, told participants at the fourth meeting of the Annual Regional Conference on Immunization in December 2012. “Immunization is an important component of health systems and a key strategy to reducing child mortality, improve maternal health and combat diseases. It is for this reason that we need to work together as a region to reach all children with immunization services in Africa”, Dr. Mwinyi added.

As Member States gear up to celebrate AVW 2013, WHO Regional Director for Africa, Dr Luis G. Sambo, expresses the hope that through the annual celebration of the African Vaccination Week, WHO, Governments and other stakeholders will be contributing significantly to the realization of the vision for the Decade of Vaccines (2011–2020): “a world in which all individuals and communities enjoy lives free from vaccine-preventable diseases”.

Exhausted survivors of the Gulf of Aden crossing wait for help on a beach in Yemen/Photo: J. Björgvinsson/UNHCR

Recent years have seen Ethiopians make up the majority of these migrants: Of the 107,000 recorded migrants crossing the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden into Yemen in 2012, around 80,000 were from Ethiopia.

Four irregular migrants with diverse backgrounds, all from Ethiopia, told IRIN about their journeys to Yemen.* While their stories differ in details, they all share a similar set of experiences: brutality, broken promises and extortion.

Marta, mid-30s, from Dire Dawa, eastern Ethiopia:

Marta, mid-30s, from Dire Dawa, eastern Ethiopia/Photo: Casey Coombes/IRIN

“I spent a year and a half in Djibouti, where I gave birth to my daughter. After her father disappeared, we left for Yemen. I paid a broker 10,000 Djiboutian francs [about US$55] to ride in a boat with 15 others from Djibouti to Yemen.

“Our night-time crossing of the Red Sea was calm until the end. As we neared the Yemeni coast, the owner of the boat, who was part of the smuggling operation, threw us into the sea. No one knew how to swim because in Ethiopia, we don’t have a sea, just lakes. The brokers and their thugs were waiting for us as we came ashore. They raped me and the other women. I’m 9 months pregnant with a child from that night.

“When I arrived to Sana’a, I was tired and decided to stay. For seven months, I was a house maid, but now I can’t work because of the pregnancy, so I have no income. [Ethiopian] migrants from the community in Sana’a are supporting me.

“I’m interested in tackling my problems, but at the moment I am pregnant and I am tired. All my money goes to my daughter, so this makes me tired. One day I will win.”

Alima, 18, from Miesso, eastern Ethiopia:

Alima, 18, from Miesso, eastern Ethiopia/Photo: Casey Coombes/IRIN

“I paid a broker 20,000 Djiboutian francs [about $110] to take me to the island of Haiyoo, where we would take a boat to Yemen. Thugs captured us and demanded more money when we arrived to Haiyoo. Because I had no money, they raped me. Men who did not have money were beaten, and the women were raped. Eventually, I contacted family and convinced them to send $200.

“We arrived to Yemen, north of Bab al-Mandab [the Mandab Strait], in a 120-person boat, and were transferred to the Yemeni smugglers who control that part of the country. The gangsters raped most of the women and tortured and beat the men to extort more money.

“They sell women who can’t find more money to other brokers, who send them to work as maids in Yemeni households. A broker bought me and sent me to Radaa, where I worked for three months cleaning houses.

“One man who loved me paid for my release and married me. He was also in Radaa, working on a qat farm and raising livestock. We moved to Sana’a two months ago. He cleans in a restaurant and I’m a maid.

“If an opportunity arises, or if I make money, or if the situation in Yemen gets worse, I’m interested in going to a better country.”

Mesfin, 38, from Dese, north-central Ethiopia:

Mesfin, 38, from Dese, north-central Ethiopia/Photo: Casey Coombes/IRIN

“I travelled five days on buses, trains and hiding out on heavy trucks before arriving at the border with Djibouti. I could have cut straight across the Welo desert to the Red Sea, but it was too dangerous. Most people spend their lives there.

“I paid brokers 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50]. That was supposed to cover the entire trip from Ethiopia to Yemen, but I was forced to pay 400 Ethiopian birr [$20] extra at Haiyoo.

“We crossed the Red Sea in a small fishing boat loaded with about 80 people. While we were boarding, I heard the brokers contact Abd al-Qawi’s* people, who said they were prepared to receive them near Mokha. About five hours later, we hit land, and Abd al-Qawi’s gangsters started beating the men trying to escape and raping most of the women right there on the beach.

“They took me and some of the men and women to a detention centre, where they tortured them until money was transferred. The building was like a jail; people are not helped until someone sends them money. The women were raped there. I was detained and tortured for five days. On the fifth night, they untied me because I was in charge of feeding the others, and I managed to escape.

“I ended up in the main street of Mokha and caught a ride to Taiz in a day. An Ethiopian migrant paid for me to come to Sana’a, where I’ve been for five days. I want to work here, make some money, then return to Ethiopia to search for relatives.”

Yassin, 23, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia:

Yassin, 23, from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia/Photo: Casey Coombes/IRIN

“I stowed away on a train from Addis to the Djibouti border, and from there to Haiyoo we travelled in a Land Cruiser. I paid a broker 1,000 Ethiopian birr [about $50] for the whole trip.

“After a week of waiting in Djibouti, we took a fishing boat filled with 45 people to Yemen. Before pushing off on our four-and-a-half-hour journey, another boat left ahead of us, which was built to hold 25 people but 50 piled in. The boat split in half and sunk not long after its departure. We could hear their screams as they drowned in the night. When the bodies washed ashore, we buried them before leaving. During the pitch-black crossing, we encountered a ship which seemed like an island it was so big. The waves filled our boat with water, and we almost capsized. We arrived near Bab al-Mandab.

“The landing wasn’t very scary because we were dropped so close to shore. But as we waded to the beach, Abd al-Qawi’s thugs started shooting guns into the air to scare those who tried running away. They loaded us into trucks and took us to detention centres to extract money. Because I know different dialects, I acted as translator and was released with those who paid. I saw them rape women, hang men by their hands and beat them with metal rods and red-hot poles; they shot off fingers and toes, poked hot shards of metal into their eyes and poured boiling plastic on their bodies.

“I travelled one day by Hilux to Haradh along the Saudi border. I saw the same beatings and rapes for extortion in Haradh throughout my six months there. As you see in Yemen, there is no work, so I have plans to leave to anywhere by any means.”

*Full names withheld
*Most migrants referred to Abd al-Qawi as the name of the Yemeni gangs who carried out the abuses, though the origin of this name is not clear.

cc/jj/rz

IRIN News
www.irinnews.org

For more information see: Desperate Choices – conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen

Theme (s): Human Rights, Migration, Refugees/IDPs,
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

“If we act within a long-term vision of sustainable development, we can reduce debt burdens, we can consolidate development gains and we can generate new dynamism and growth,” Mr. Ban said in his closing <"http://www.un.org/apps/news/infocus/sgspeeches/statments_full.asp?statID=1541">remarks to the General Assembly’s high-level thematic debate on The State of the World Economy and Finance and its Impact on Development.

“The current difficulties are a reason to recommit, not to shrink from it [sustainable development],” said the Secretary-General. “We will not kick-start the global economy with slash-and-burn policies.”

He also voiced his deep concern over the slow recovery of the global economy and the possibility of another worldwide recession.

“If this happens, it may be even more devastating since we have less resources and fiscal capacity to respond. Furthermore, many countries are reeling under heavy debt burdens,” Mr. Ban said. “Many face political uncertainties. If there is another global recession, many hard-won gains will be put at risk.”

The UN chief said the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) in Brazil next month will be an opportunity “to galvanize global support for a transformative agenda for change.”

“People are making their voices heard on the streets and in the ballot boxes. Let us listen and move forward in a sustainable and inclusive way,” he added.

UN News

The writer, Dr Michael J.K. Bokor

World leaders representing 55 countries and organizations gathered in London early this week for a conference on Somalia to boost support for measures to fight piracy, terrorism, and political instability in Somalia. They can’t do so without confronting al-Shabab with decisive measures.

The conference agreed on a seven-point plan promising more humanitarian aid, support for African Union peacekeepers, and better international co-ordination. Highlights of that agreement included measures to:

• back the handover of power from the transitional government to an inclusive administration by August;

• provide more support for African Union peacekeepers;

• better co-ordinate humanitarian aid, shifting focus to long-term needs; and

• crack down on piracy by expanding on agreements to bring suspects to trial in countries away from Somalia (BBC News, February 25, 2012)

All peace-lovers and Somali nationals, especially, must welcome this decisive move. The protracted Somali crisis has wrought too much suffering and must be tackled expeditiously.

Ever since the US forces pulled out of Somalia in 1994, the international community hasn’t been very much concerned or deeply involved in solving the Somali crisis until now. For nearly two decades, the situation in the Horn of Africa fell off the international radar screen while law and order broke down completely both on land and at sea.
For many years, any discourse about Somalia is filled with nothing but ugly narratives of carnage.

The danger that Somali pirates pose to the maritime industry can’t be under-estimated. In a destabilized environment where there is no political authority to control human behaviour, anything goes. That’s the free-for-all situation in Somalia that has spawned al-Shabab and the pirates.

Probably, the anti-piracy measures taken over the years have somehow made the presence of the international community felt. But one might say that the fight against piracy has more to do with protecting their own interests than doing anything decisive to solve the country’s political and security problems.

Now that concrete measures are being taken to crush al-Shabab, we can only hope that such measures don’t end up in smoke as previous ones have.

Indeed, the harm being done by al-Shabab won’t destabilize only Somalia. It is widespread and has already cut across national borders to negatively affect neighbouring countries, especially Kenya, which has begun seeing terrorist activities carried out by al-Shabab on its soil. It is a matter of course, then, that Kenya and Ethiopia will be particularly vehement in taking the fight to al-Shabab and joining forces with the international community to wipe it out completely. Wiping out al-Shabab will serve the interests of that part of Africa, the maritime zone, and the world, generally.

Although the African Union’s own efforts to solve the problem have yielded some limited positive results, the situation hasn’t been handled expeditiously. We acknowledge the important role of the AU’s detachment of peacekeepers in Somalia and commend Uganda and other countries whose troops are in the forefront, confronting the al-Shabab menace head-on.

Other African countries that haven’t contributed troops to the peacekeeping force may have their own reasons but now that the international community has risen up to confront al-Shabab, it behooves them to complement such efforts through concrete contributions. No political rhetoric is needed at this stage. It is time for action and all must respond positively as such.

Somalia presents a particular conundrum that is suggestive of how a failed state can become a major problem not only unto itself but also to others. We recall the era of its former leader, Siad Barre, and regret that his rule failed to develop the country for it to stand on its own feet. Thus, when he fell, the cracks in the body politic quickly widened to force the country down unto its knees. The breakdown of law and order is responsible for the turmoil that the country has been in since 1991.

What seems to have worsened the situation and galvanized the international community into converging at the London conference is the unholy alliance between al-Shabab and al-Qaeda. Were al-Shabab to be operating on its own without any succour being provided by other terrorist organizations, one might easily perceive its operations as “localized” and, therefore, containable over time.

But the decision by its leadership to team up with the dreaded al-Qaeda is not only alarming but it is also indicative of the extent to which al-Shabab wants to drag the Somali conflict. Knowing very well the devastation that al-Qaeda can wreak on society, the international community couldn’t sit by idly for it to spread its tentacles to Africa or other areas to gain any foothold and turn Africa into part of the world’s major terrorist hub.

The measures outlined at the London conference should have every peace-lover’s backing and be enforced to the full. It is only then that the wings of these terrorist elements can be clipped tight. Otherwise, we allow them to fly at our peril.

Since terrorist organizations thrive on military hardware and other instruments of violence, it is important for the international community to intensify their intelligence-gathering and investigation mechanisms to trace and eliminate all sources of supply. It will be counter-productive for the international community (especially the United States) to spend so much money solving the Somali crisis only for arms-producing or smuggling syndicates in their own systems to continue supplying dangerous weapons to sustain the terrorist activities of these al-Shaba/al-Qaeda elements. It is important that all the screws be tightened to squeeze out these terrorist elements and deny them any access to such dangerous weapons.

More importantly, effective surveillance needs to be mounted to trace all the kingpins of these terrorist movements for liquidation. The monitoring of the Somali airspace and consequent strikes on al-Shabab targets by unmanned US drones is a good measure to be sustained. Even if the US doesn’t favour any direct military strikes or injection of its troops into the African forces operating in Mogadishu, it is important that the US should resource all the official units set up to confront al-Shabab.

I am confident that attacking al-Shabab from all fronts will narrow down its operational capabilities and eventually squeeze it out of contention. For far too long, it has had too much sway to make the situation too fluid. Now is the time to snuff out this terrorist organization to help the political establishment regain full control over the country and work hard to restore normalcy into national life.

Time is of the essence because of the August 2012 limit for the tenure of the transitional government to expire. If no concrete accomplishments are made to put the necessary political structures in place, Somalia will have no framework for governance, which will deepen its woes.

As the international community gingers up support for its measures, it is imperative for the AU to give its maximum support to their efforts. For the measures to succeed, the AU will have to make its own mechanisms compatible with what the international community is bringing in. It means that the AU must have a strong and united, collective voice to support the measures to be enforced. Anything short of that will demoralize the international community and water down the force of its measures.

From a wider perspective, the various African leaders must learn lessons from the Somali turbulence so as not to do what will plunge their countries into similar circumstances. We have situations in several countries to worry about. What happened to Gaddafi is still fresh in our minds; we know that his firm grips on power and his particular manner of handling national affairs weren’t the best for his country. After his death, we see the security problems facing Libya.

Other countries—including Zimbabwe— also have serious problems, waiting to explode if the “strongmen” ruling them leave the scene. The likelihood of such countries imploding as Somalia has done is high.

What is currently happening in Senegal is a good demonstration of how the greed for power and the penchant for prolonging one’s tenure easily become the incubators for national destabilization. The intransigence of Abdoulaye Wade and his manipulation of the constitution and the electoral process have already caused much headache and will definitely plunge Senegal into turmoil unless sanity prevails.

Abdoulaye Wade’s example is a sorry one. He is not favoured in as many ways to seek another term as he would deceive himself into believing. Old and senile as he is—although he claims he is still vibrant—at 85 years (that is, even if that is an accurate record), he has seen better days (even if he did so as an opposition leader for decades).

He may have good academic and professional credentials (as a lawyer and economist), but he can’t cheat Nature. What does he think he has to deliver, after already ruling the country for almost 15 years? Is it now that he has discovered the magic wand to solve his country’s problems? He is a spent force who must leave the scene to avoid turning an otherwise stable Senegal into turmoil. Probably, the Cassamance rebels may be gearing up to cash in on the situation.
By his morbid desire to have a third term in office, in the teeth of opposition, Abdoulaye Wade has sown dangerous seeds that will blossom into national disaster unless something drastic happens on Sunday to make him lose the general elections—and to know that he can’t undermine the will of the people. If he insists on having his way, Senegal will also go down in history as a sad case of negative politics in Africa. Why are African leaders more interested in perpetuating themselves in power than using that power to solve their countries’ problems and to leave the scene after the constitutionally mandated term of office?

Putting together everything, then, we can say that the problems facing Somalia (and all other African countries lined up to follow suit) are mostly self-created. They are the results of avid greed for power and the wicked intentions that inform such a penchant, which the leaders misuse to perpetuate their rule and create intractable problems. Long after they’ve left the scene, such problems continue to defy solution. The main question, then is: Why is it that it is only in Africa that we have such a predominance of this kind of negative politics?

Somalia may qualify as a failed state; but its experiences provide useful lessons for all other African countries to learn. If they do so, they will avoid falling into the same trap. Otherwise, they will continue to be pooh-poohed as the white man’s burden.

E-mail: mjbokor@yahoo.com
Join me on Facebook at: http://www.facebook.com/mjkbokor
Get a copy of my novel, The Last Laugh (PublishAmerica.com, April 2009)

The opinions expressed are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views or have the endorsement of the Editorial Board of www.africanewsanalysis.com and www.africa-forum.net

Adu Asare is shiny but not bright in this situation. Either Adu Asare doesn’t get it or have no grasp of Ghana/Africa or do not understand the development project called Ghana. From the creation of the Ghana nation-state some 54 years ago, corruptions have been responsible for the country’s instabilities till 19 years ago when genuine democracy brought unpretentious stability.

Corruption affects Ghana’s progress. Money meant for roads, food, security, health, housing, education, and other socio-economic infrastructure are stolen. Ghanaians’ life expectancy, at 64.2 years, isn’t encouraging. Poverty is still a killer. Ghana says it is poor and goes abroad begging for money to survive, to support its budget, yet Alfred Woyome, an NDC financier, in collusion with other high ranking Ghanaians, gleefully swindles Ghana US$40 million.

Adu Asare’s NDC, which origin emanated from struggles against corruption, is typical Africa case. Corruption saw confused military coup d’états. With weak or non-existent accountability institutions, the military juntas were themselves engulfed in corruption more severe than the civilians they overthrew. Corruption saw Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings, the so-called founder of Adu Asare’s NDC, violently coming to power, with the execution of some military Heads of State and Generals and the painful exiling of some Ghanaians. But it appears the NDC has quickly forgotten its roots and is now embroiled in a US$40 million corruption scandal that has seen some Ministers and bureaucrats disgracefully forced to resign and others arrested.

In all the development issues to be debated in the 2012 general elections, the central issue will be how to get money to build roads, toilets, schools, provide water, food, hospitals, etc. One cannot build these entire socio-economic infrastructures if the state treasury is periodically looted, as Alfred Woyome and his clique, have done. Adu Asare’s view that Ghanaians won’t vote based on the Alfred Woyome corruption scandal but on President Atta Mills’ image is disturbing and nonsense. Ghanaians are going to vote in the December 7 general elections based on the Alfred Woyome corruption outrage. For part of the reasons for their continued poverty are people like Alfred Woyome looting their money meant for their development projects.

Partly because of endemic corruption, Ghana ranks 135th out of 187th countries with comparable data measured in 2011 by the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) that measures human welfare such as availability of water, toilets, education, food, health, etc. The fact that Ghana is at medium human development level at the HDI should be of concern to Adu Asare and how the Alfred Woyome corruption scandal have implications in Ghana’s development indicators. If Adu Asare has feeble sense of the relationship between corruption and development, his fellow brothers and sisters in Botswana could teach him one or two lessons, without looking out to the Western world. With entrenched culture of accountability and genuine independent institutions, such as the judiciary and the legislature, Botswana, according to the Berlin, German-based corruption watchdog Transparency International, is the “least corrupt country in Africa and ranks similarly close to Portugal and South Korea.”

In Susan Rose-Ackerman’s The Political Economy of Corruption, an independent and honest judiciary, including lower level clerks and bureaucrats, are effective tools for containing corruption. In the Alfred Woyome corruption scandal some elements in the judiciary did actually help Woyome in his crime against Ghana. Former Minister of Education, Betty Mould-Iddrisu, who was forced to resign, refused to prosecute Woyome when the issue was first brought to her attention when she was then the Minister of Justice and Attorney General.

Botswana’s anti-corruption apparatuses include activities of its tradition institutions. Botswana, Africa’s leading democracy some 45 years ago, doesn’t have the experience of the astonishing US$40 million Alfred Woyome corruption scandals and the likes of Betty Mould-Iddrisu. No doubt, Botswana leads Sub-Sahara Africa in development indicators. It ranks high, at 98th on the United Nations Human Development Index. Adu Asare should remember that Ghana ranks medium at 135th. When Ghanaians “examine their personal lives as to how that has improved under the leadership President John Atta Mills and cast their votes accordingly,” as Adu Asare told the Accra-based Peace FM, they will be informed by the raging US$40 million Alfred Woyome corruption indignity that has dented some aspects of their development process. Ghanaians will, therefore, vote according to the issues raised by the Alfred Woyome plundering scandal.

The opinions expressed are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views or have the endorsement of the Editorial Board of www.africanewsanalysis.com nd www.africa-forum.net

The writer, Dr Michael J.K. Bokor

The book, Guerrilla of Time, is almost 1,000 pages long and relates his childhood and rise to power in the Cuban Revolution. The two-volume memoir is based on conversations between Fidel Castro and journalist Katiuska Blanco. It starts with former President Castro’s earliest childhood memories and takes the reader up to December 1958, the eve of the overthrow of Fulgencio Batista by Castro and his followers.

With this memoir, Castro (now 85) seems to have sealed his accomplishments. He doesn’t have the physical strength to do what his spirit might wish. But his memoir will do that work for him.

Indeed, Castro stands tall in any historical account of world events in the last fifty years of the 20th century. Generally, each historical epoch produces its own heroes/heroines and villains. All over the world, we’ve had such leaders at the helm of affairs, praised, worshipped, and adored by some but hated to the marrow by others for peculiar reasons. In every sense, such leaders leave lasting footprints on the sand of time. And they are remembered for weal or for woe.

If there is any leader produced by historical circumstances who continues to astound the world, it is no other person than Fidel Castro. He has walked the tight rope on the world stage and defied all odds to stamp his authority on the politics of Cuba since 1959 when his revolution succeeded in overturning the status quo ante in Cuba. No single system has withstood so much pressure from the United States (the world’s only super-power) to remain on its feet as Cuba did under Castro’s 40 years’ rule.

Even now that he is out of the limelight, his image still looms large over Cuban and international politics. For whatever he means to the world, Castro still commands attention whenever he features in any event—whether convalescing from the illness that forced him out of office or when interacting with leaders of other countries visiting him.

Indeed, it is difficult to acknowledge Cuba without Castro’s looming image. Knowing very well his impact on this small Caribbean country, Castro has chosen to leave behind a record of his role in shaping the history of his motherland. He has written a two-volume memoir that should provide invaluable insights into the circumstances surrounding his rise to power, how he used that power, and where it has brought his country so far.

His decision to produce this memoir is laudable. It speaks volumes and adds to the huge public image that he has carved for himself. Those who admire him will continue to cherish his singular contributions to the making of world history. Those who consider him an anathema can choose to reinforce their hatred for him and see his memoir as nothing but a nuisance—a painful reminder of the trouble that he means to them. Like him or not, he has made his mark and thrown a big challenge to others elsewhere in the world who have similar experiences that they can record to immortalize their experiences but choose to blow it all away in the form of the irritating hot air that fouls our air every time they open their mouths.

I have in mind Ghana’s former President Jerry John Rawlings whose experiences will, no doubt, serve useful purposes if redirected into what his mentor (Castro) has done. But he doesn’t seem to know the value of memoirs and hasn’t been able to take that route in entrenching himself in people’s memories. I regard Castro’s effort as a challenge to him and urge him to do likewise.

For me particularly, I should love to hear that he has begun such a project. No one can re-write the history of Ghana to eliminate his role in the country’s life. And he must be the first to begin the process of perpetuating his name in the annals of the country’s contemporary history.

Ghanaians should love to have an account of what motivated him to do all that he did to become their longest-serving head of state despite the immense difficulties that he faced. I wish that he would do something on this issue before it becomes too late. Nature is waiting to collect its dues from all of us mortal beings. This is the time for him to contribute something about his exploits in Ghana politics before Nature knocks on his door for its dues. Will he listen?

There is every justification for Rawlings to emulate Castro’s example. Both have similar aspirations and were motivated by one common objective, influenced by the idea of a revolution, even though the peculiar historical imperatives and specific conditions in their countries determined how they did things while in power.

Castro went straight for communism and didn’t falter in pursuing its ideals, the evidence of which is still available. His close ties with the USSR (now Russia) and the attendant tension that it aroused, leading to the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, is still regarded as a significant landmark in the erstwhile Cold War skirmishes between the USSR and the United States. Not even the physical military attacks by the US or the encroachment on the Guantanamo Bay by the US, or the decades-long economic embargo imposed on Cuba by the US, has deterred Cuba’s leadership from pursuing the communist line of governance.

Under Raul Castro, some significant reforms have been initiated to tone down on the hardline communist system but Cuba isn’t ready yet to do as its opponents wish. Regardless of the economic sanctions and the loss of direct financial support from Russia or the falling international market price of its main export commodity (sugar), Cuba can’t be brought down to its knees. Its resolve is unshakeable.

But the reality of global politics is sinking in fast. Cuba has begun implementing reforms that have capitalist inclinations—allowing its citizens to engage in private business, sell their houses, cars, and other property to earn a living other than the state-provided support, and freeing hardline critics detained for their stiff opposition to communism on the island.

Cuba under Castro experienced the extent to which the revolutionary fervor could be carried in determining and controlling the fate of the country and its citizens’ lives. But Castro has reached a stage in his life to come to terms with reality—that he can’t cheat Nature. Fragile now, he seems to know how to leave a lasting impression on the minds of people by writing his memoirs.

In Ghana, Rawlings shot his way to power with a strong aversion for the capitalist system but bowed to pressure to do away with the pseudo-socialist ideals that prompted his putsch twice in Ghana’s history (1979 and 1981). His rule of benevolent dictatorship has its implications for Ghana. He is still a force to reckon with even if he has lost control over the political party that propped him up in his post-military political life. He has a lot up his sleeves, though, and will do us a world of good if he provides his memoir.

Such memoirs will not only reveal hidden facts about these leaders but they will also provide opportunities to learn from their experiences to guide us and posterity. Rawlings’ case is particularly intriguing because of his peculiar experiences, leading two successful coups d’état and outmanouevring his opponents to rule for almost 20 years (December 31, 1981, to January 7, 2001).

We may be quick to find fault with his administration or style of governance; but that’s not the burning issue as far as the call for him to write his memoirs is concerned. We are know what he did, couldn’t do, or failed to do while in power and shouldn’t be looking to flog a dead horse; we need to know him beyond those inadequacies, which his memoirs can help us do.

The wave of democratization sweeping across the globe has no room for revolutions and revolutionaries of the kind that gave the world a rude awakening many decades ago. Contemporary world politics shuns such impetuous approaches to governance. There is no more room for self-assertive characters to take the destiny of any country into his hands in the name of a revolution.

The best those lucky to survive the whirligig of such revolutionary tremors can do is to recognize that their political sun has set and will never rise again. And the best they can do to perpetuate their names in the annals of world history is to write memoirs to throw light on their activities. No other venture will serve them better than such a cause. Nor can they ever return to the citadel of power. It’s now time for memoirs as they wait for Nature’s call.

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The writer, Dr Michael J.K. Bokor

As if oblivious to its own past, the US has also latched on to the imperialist agenda, doing things in a more brazen manner even if it doesn’t directly exploit other systems as European imperialism did. On the surface, the US “gives” instead of “taking,” which makes a huge difference between its form of imperialism and the European one. However, it has its own nauseating aspects.

US imperialism may not involve direct occupation of territories and subjugation of the citizens; but it has its own dimensions, which eventually portrays it as self-centred too. The US prosecutes its imperialist agenda in a more subtle way—through its military-industrial complex, which provides the wherewithal it needs to survive. That’s why wherever the US goes, it either ruffles feathers to provoke a military conflict or to worsen an existing one.

That’s how it creates conditions to inject itself into conflicts and rely on its military-industrial complex’s operations for wealth. No conflict means no need for weapons—and no money from the sale of armaments. The US can’t do without income from its military-industrial complex. That is why it is all over the globe, invited or uninvited into territories, abandoning its mission only if it faces so stiff an opposition as to see its interests endangered or deserting after satisfying its interests, regardless of the impact of its presence and activities on such territories. We have Iraq and Libya in mind as concrete examples in our contemporary time.
Here is the knot to untie. While the US and its allies are complaining about Chinese incursion into Africa, they’ve failed to understand why African countries are receiving the Chinese with open arms while hesitating to continue being in bed with them. History may be on the side of China, especially if one considers the fact that most African countries had to fight for independence from the European countries and still view the colonizers with much suspicion. At least, China is not encroaching on territories by force of superior arms.
Their decision to belong to the Non-Aligned Movement, which invariably was an indication of disdain for the West (because most of those African member-states of the NAM had a soft spot for the erstwhile USSR and China) is enough to tell me that they will be more prone to accept China’s incursion than rebuff it.

For now, there is every indication that more countries will open their doors to China and shift emphasis to the economic cooperation that it promises. Which of the countries in the West talks about economic cooperation and goes ahead to give unconditional aid to the needy countries?

I am not surprised at this turn of events because for far too long, the West and its main economic institution (the IMF) and lending arm (the World Bank) have interfered with the economies of African countries, imposing stiff conditionalities before giving loans at cut-throat rates. After experimenting with such economies and toying with the lives of the people over the years, the IMF and its affiliates seem not prepared to change their policies to accommodate the needs and interests of these poor countries.

Not wanting to be at the mercy of these vampire institutions, these African countries will turn to China—at least, in the short-term—as their saviour. That is where the West chafes but is not prepared to shift in its stance. These poor countries seem to have lost confidence in the IMF and its affiliates and will go wherever the clarion call comes from. That’s why China has become a magnet attracting them.

No amount of threats or arm-twisting tactics will change the situation. The West had better learn to adjust to this new reality. Once China knows how to reach out to these countries, it will continue to carve deep into the heart of the continent and establish itself as a partner.

In receiving the Chinese with open arms, though, our African leaders need to be alert so as not to fail to see anything—however slight it may be—that raises red flags. There are always more hidden aspects of economic partnerships than this brazen openness on the part of the Chinese may reveal on the surface. Those who have eyes will see these hidden aspects and we encourage our leaders to probe deeper to be able to detect any hidden danger spot to avoid offering the continent to be swallowed up.

We don’t want a repetition of the situation whereby our leaders will hasten into selling us to any foreign power only for posterity to shed blood, sweat, and tears to fight against. We’ve been bitten more than once and should be more than shy in dealing with those who choose to respect us just because we have what they need to survive.

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Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D.

Needless to say, Nkrumah’s agenda, while theoretically and morally admirable and even heroic, unpardonably verged on the patently quixotic, particularly when the astute observer and critical thinker on developments in contemporary African history and culture reckons the complex concatenation of disparate colonial influences, military strength and organization and the woeful lack of any remarkable intellectual and cultural awareness between the two radical African leaders and their respective peoples.

In other words, in agreeing to unify their two countries, Messrs. Nkrumah and Lumumba had woefully underestimated the potent counteractive agendas of the Eisenhower West, and the latter’s dogged determination not to share Africa’s sphere of influence with a “communist” Soviet Union in the cutthroat world of Cold-War politics. In thus attempting to both deftly and diplomatically play the NATO countries against the Warsaw Pact countries, in the dubious name of “Nonalignment,” both Messrs. Nkrumah and Lumumba found themselves to be suavely outmaneuvered. To this effect, the author of JFK: Ordeal in Africa observes: “The sudden emergence of Lumumba as the Congo’s most popular leader appeared to give Nkrumah the opportunity to unite Ghana and the Congo. Prior to Congolese independence, Lumumba had discussed the prospect of such a union with his ‘idol.’ When order disintegrated in the week after independence, Nkrumah lifted more than 1,000 troops, as well as medical and administrative personnel, to the Congo in support of the UN peacekeeping operation. Lumumba was grateful. He flew to Ghana on August 8, 1960 to sign a document uniting the Congo and Ghana. It was Nkrumah’s finest hour. ¶ But then Lumumba miscalculated [the military might of Ghana and the stature of Nkrumah in the global scheme of power relations]. He broke relations with [UN Secretary-General Dag] Hammarskjold, and in so doing lost the protection of the UN force against domestic mutiny and international intrigue. When he invited the Russians to intervene, the United States and Belgium moved to eliminate him [by using Lumumba’s arch political opponents, of course]. In the [ensuing] struggle for power in Leopoldville, Nkrumah repeatedly urged Lumumba to restore relations with the UN before it was too late. On September 5, when President Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba, Nkrumah’s own troops (acting under UN orders) prevented the premier from gaining access to the radio station. Lumumba accused Ghana of ‘treachery.’ Nkrumah’s trump card was lost”(164).

In sum, in deciding to meddle in the internal affairs of the Congo vis-à-vis the latter’s troubling relationship with Belgium, the erstwhile colonial overlord, Nkrumah had naively overestimated the bonding mortar of “Africanity” that readily appeared to organically unite the peoples of Ghana and the Congo against their common Western-European enemy. Essentially, Nkrumah had also failed to afford himself adequate time to study and appreciate the character and personality of Prime Minister Lumumba, in order to be able to more effectively work with the relatively younger and far less academic and intellectual Congolese leader towards the total emancipation of continental Africa.

Further, Mahoney observes that the tragic events in the Congo, culminating in the brutal assassination of Prime Minister Lumumba, may well have pushed the Ghanaian premier over the proverbial edge, thus unwittingly provoking Nkrumah into prematurely digging his own grave, by being propelled by the forces of anger and frustration to move dangerously close to the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War: “The Soviets were quick to take advantage of Nkrumah’s anger at the West. During the week of December 15, 1960, Ghana received two of an eventual six Ilyushin aircraft from the Soviet Union. Nkrumah welcomed a thirty-four-member Soviet technical-assistance team to discuss $40 million worth of projects. Pointing to Nasser’s unhappy experience with the Americans, the Russians suggested that Nkrumah scrap the Volta project in favor of a smaller Soviet-financed dam. Nkrumah told them that he would consider the offer” (JFK: Ordeal in Africa 164).

For Mahoney, no Ghanaian politician more deftly deputized for the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) than Nkrumah’s own chief-lieutenant and finance minister, Mr. Komla Agbeli Gbedemah: “Whatever the case, the White House let it be known that inviting Nkrumah to Washington [in the wake of Lumumba’s assassination] had been ‘a difficult decision.’ The prevailing editorial attitude in Washington was grudging at best: ‘Mr. Kennedy decided that it would be useful to meet Nkrumah since he is rated as the only person in his country [with whom] to do business.’ The White House received another view from Komla Gbedemah, Nkrumah’s pro-Western finance minister, who was in Washington to see World Bank officials about the Volta project. Gbedemah suggested to Walt Rostow at a midnight meeting at Rostow’s home that the President should express ‘with great directness and force’ his concern about Ghana’s communist ties. This would not be the last [time that] the White House would hear from Mr. Gbedemah” (JFK: Ordeal in Africa 166-7).

Earlier, the CIA had sketched out and presented the following profile of the Ghanaian premier: “The Americans were beginning to realize that they had on their hands a man whose need for attention exceeded all other concerns. The CIA’s briefing paper [for President Kennedy] may have overstated matters somewhat, but [it] did identify the central trait: ‘[A] man beginning to slip just a bit and too conceited to see it, a politician to whom the roar of the crowd and the praise of the sycophant are as necessary as the air he breathes…[and who] desperately wants a favorable verdict from history” (166).

In other words, in the studious opinion of Mahoney, the most dangerous political detractor of Mr. Kwame Nkrumah was none other than one of the four or five men who stood on the podium with the “Osagyefo” at midnight on March 5, 1957, at Accra’s old polo grounds, to declare the radical severance of British colonial imperialism from Ghana’s umbilical cord. But, of course, this simple and plain narrative truth does not gibe with the received epic mythology of the CPP and its Nkrumaist odyssey. And so, naturally, and conveniently, it stood to reason to facilely trot in the Show Boy’s former mentor and most formidable and feared political opponent, in later years, for use as a scapegoat for all that symbolized the bane of political and ideological opposition in independent Ghana. The preceding portrait may yet constitute the most tragic and abominable dimension of the thankless role that a pioneering and unassailably patriotic Dr. J. B. Danquah played during the most treacherous era of Ghana’s liberation struggle. Here again, and once again, we prefer to defer ultimate judgment to posterity.

Kwame Okoampa-Ahoofe, Jr., Ph.D., is Associate Professor of English, Journalism and Creative Writing at Nassau Community College of the State University of New York, Garden City. He is Director of The Sintim-Aboagye Center for Politics and Culture and author of “Dr. J. B. Danquah: Architect of Modern Ghana” (iUniverse.com, 2005).

E-mail: okoampaahoofe@optimum.net

The opinions expressed are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views or have the endorsement of the Editorial Board of www.africanewsanalysis.com

President Rawlings and Prime Miniater Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia pose with senior officials of the Pan-African Parliament

President Rawlings said the political movements in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Cote d’Ivoire challenged the capacity of the African Union as far as conflict resolution was concerned and called for an urgent corrective mechanism so the “blood and toil of those who laid down their lives to seek change do not go to waste”.

In an address as special guest at the Sixth Ordinary Session of the Pan-African Parliament in Addis Ababa on Monday, President Rawlings called on the continental Parliamentary body to take strong positions on African issues and allow itself to be heard.

President Rawlings who was appointed Ambassador of the Pan-African Parliament in October 2011, lamented a harrowing situation in Egypt where illegal immigrants are abducted, enslaved and some killed through the removal of some of their organs. He said though the report was published by the CNN months ago action it had not been taken up and called on the Pan-African Parliament and other AU organs to thoroughly investigate the report.

The AU High Representative also expressed the world’s disappointment over the renewed violence in Egypt.

He said: “We should be particularly concerned about the situation in Egypt where the pain and agony that the people endured in Tahir Square and other cities, is repeating itself a few months down the line. It is obvious the very oppressive machinery the revolution sought to displace has re-emerged and under the guise of national security, ordinary Egyptians are again facing assault and brutalities reminiscent of what happened in January and February last year in Tahir Square and other cities across the country.”

Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi who was the Guest of Honour commended President Rawlings for his candour and called on the Pan-African Parliament to table the concerns raised in the former Ghanaian President’s address to the Assembly of Heads of State when it meets at the end of January.

Please find attached the full text of President Rawlings’ address.

ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY JERRY JOHN RAWLINGS, FORMER PRESIDENT OF GHANA AND AFRICAN UNION HIGH REPRESENTATIVE FOR SOMALIA AT THE SIXTH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE PAN-AFRICAN PARLIAMENT – ADDIS ABABA, JANUARY 16, 2012

Your Excellency Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of Ethiopia and Guest of Honour, Right Honourable Moussa Idriss Ndele, President of the Pan-African Parliament, Excellences, Honourable members of the Pan-African Parliament, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen:

I wish to express my gratitude to the Pan-African Parliament for offering me the opportunity once again, to share my thoughts on an important occasion such as the Sixth Ordinary Session which has been convened on the theme: “Transformation of the Pan-African Parliament into a legislative organ.”

Having taking time to study and examine the overview of the review process of the protocol relating to the Pan-African Parliament and the treaty establishing the African Economic Community, it is obvious a lot of work has gone into reviewing the relevance of the Pan-African Parliament to make it a more recognizable organ of influence on the continent and more relevant to the changing face of politics in Africa and beyond.

The process of transforming the institution into a legislative one, albeit in a progressive manner, faces difficulties because some member states believe the continent is not ready for a Pan-African Parliamentary body with full or even limited legal powers.

Ladies and gentleman, this latest challenge means the Pan-African Parliament has been compelled to adopt lobbying at various levels in its quest to ensure the transformation process is not derailed.

During the last meeting of the Speakers of the Parliament in Midrand, South Africa, I expressed my support for a transformed body with the legal capacity to institute policies that will strengthen Parliaments across the continent and embolden them to play the role of being a common platform for Africa peoples and their grassroots organisations, as enshrined in the Pan-African Parliament charter.

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and gentlemen, while the campaign for the transformation of the Pan-African Parliament into a legislative organ takes steam, it is imperative that the Parliament even in its advisory state enhances its image and reputation by taking strong positions on issues on the continent and allow itself to be heard.

Matters for discussion at the Sixth Ordinary Session include presentations and debate on the state of the African Union as well as Peace and Security.

These two issues I am convinced will dominate discussions during meetings of the Executive Council and the Assembly of Heads of State later this month. It is thus important that deliberations during this session set the stage for discussions during the upcoming summits.

Africa has over the past 12 months experienced political upheavals of a massive nature and the action or inaction of the African Union and its various organs has brought to question the future of this body established with most noble intentions.

From Tunisia through Egypt to Libya and even in Ivory Coast there were political movements of different nature that challenged the institution established to engender African unity, peace and development.

While majority of us were delighted by the will of the people to take their destiny into their own hands, we were taken aback by the failure of the continent to prevent excesses in countries such as Libya and Ivory Coast.

Our collective drawback is something that has to be corrected with some sense of urgency and drive so the blood and toil of those who laid down their lives to seek change do not go to waste.

We should be particularly concerned about the situation in Egypt where the pain and agony that the people endured in Tahir Square and other cities, is repeating itself a few months down the line. It is obvious the very oppressive machinery the revolution sought to displace has re-emerged and under the guise of national security, ordinary Egyptians are again facing assault and brutalities reminiscent of what happened in January and February last year in Tahir Square and other cities across the country. For how long are we going to be silent observers? And yet the revolutions by the unarmed civilian populations in Tunisia and Egypt gave the world so much hope that freedom and justice was finally going to triumph. How do we then turn around and assault that resolve in the manner currently being observed by all?

A few months ago the CNN Freedom Project published an expose on the cruel abduction and removal of human parts from illegal immigrants trying to pass through Egypt into Israel. Bedouin smugglers trafficking humans reportedly remove the human parts while the immigrants are still alive. Immigrants are enslaved, tortured and those who cannot afford to pay huge sums to these smugglers face the ultimate penalty of a dehumanizing death through organ removal! And Africa is quiet?

Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot allow this level of depravity to continue on our continent without seeking answers and calling for thorough investigations to get to the bottom of the matter. These are the issues that the Pan-African Parliament should be forcefully questioning, to make itself more relevant to the people of the continent and justify its quest to become a legislative organ. It is not too late and I hope and pray that you will look into this matter and call on other organs of the AU to also take a cue.

Parliament as an organ of state or of a continent, as yours is, is primarily an institution that serves not only as a law-making body but which also crystalizes the separation of powers concept that democracy prides itself in. Parliament serves as an anti-corruption organ looking into the activities of other institutions of state such as the Executive, to ensure that it takes actions that protect the rights of the people and the wealth of the state. It is thus important that at all times and purposes you remind your members who are representatives from various national parliaments that they are not an extension of the executive, elected by the people to endorse and rubber stamp every action of the executive, but to properly scrutinize and query actions of the executive and its organs in order to boost the confidence of the ordinary people of our countries in democratic governance.

Similarly the Pan-African Parliament should be empowered legally to have the capacity and responsibility of vetting the finances of the AU as all national parliaments are obligated to. That way we can offer more confidence to the donor community and allow our institutional transparency to trickle down to the rest of the continent.

Development should always be premised on justice, freedom, integrity and transparency. Had these ideals guided the huge economic and infrastructural development in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya their countries would not have endured the eruption in the people’s quest for justice and freedom.

Honourable members of African Parliaments represented here have a huge responsibility to also champion the crusade to make Africa truly African and capable of managing her affairs.

It is simply humiliating that in the 21st century our continent finds some of its leaders hounded to The Hague like lamb to the slaughter, while we are supposed to have the capacity to judge our own. We have to leave The Hague to those who cannot control their destiny. If Libyans were justified to overthrow the Gaddafi regime in their quest for freedom and justice, why then can they not try their own?

If Ivorians are truly seeking peace and reconciliation, a process agreed by both the Ouattara and Gbagbo factions, why then send a former leader who in spite of his faults has paid his dues to his country, to the ICC?

We have and have had faulty leaders but we have enough good and progressive leaders who can only succeed if institutions such as the Pan-African Parliament and national parliaments offer them the needed sense of direction and support.

The time has come to stop being observers but active participants in the changing scenes of the continent. We stand the danger of allowing a new form of colonialism to engulf our continent enslaving us into puppets of the international community. Let us combine our efforts in taking a strong stance against such a looming threat.

Your Excellences, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, I cannot conclude my address without mentioning Somalia. As African Union High Representative for Somalia, I must congratulate all stakeholders from across the globe for their tremendous support in seeking peace in Somalia through the pursuit of the transitional roadmap. I am thankful also to all who supported the humanitarian effort and continue to do so. Many are yet to make good on their pledges during the Pledging Conference of last August and I serve a polite reminder to them not to forget the dire situation that millions of our people still face in the Horn of Africa.

I congratulate IGAD and particularly Kenya, Djibouti and Ethiopia for their renewed interest in creating a stable and peaceful Somalia. We cannot forget the pioneering role of Burundi and Uganda in the peace-enforcement process. We are also thankful to United Nations, which has played a crucial role in the progress so far. We expect more commitment in terms of enablers for AMISOM and the TFG so that this time next year we can have a more stable and politically secure Somalia.

Our dear members of Parliament from Somalia, this is a call to you and your colleagues who are not here, to give peace a chance by exploring all avenues to resolve the impasse over the removal of the Parliamentary Speaker. A lot of progress has been made on the political front and its paramount that we do not allow this standoff to sidetrack us from the progress achieved so far.

We should not allow observers to believe that we seek power at the expense of confronting the common enemy. If Al Shabaab were no longer the perceived obstacle could you the major players guarantee peace and stable governance in Somalia?

Right Honourable Idriss Ndele, Honourable members of the Pan-African Parliament, Excellences, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, I wish you a successful session and offer my unflinching support in your quest to seek a radical review of the protocols governing the Pan-African Parliament. Africa deserves strong and capable institutions and your quest is a noble one that deserves the support of everyone on the continent.

Thank you and Good Luck.